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BUSH TAX CUT AND HOUSE RATE
CUTS WIDEN RECORD AFTER-TAX INCOME
DISPARITIES
Percentage Increase in
After-tax Income for Those at the Very Top Three
Times Larger than for Middle Fifth
The House Ways and Means
Committee recently passed a slightly modified
version of the reduction in individual income tax
rates that President Bush has proposed. The House
is scheduled to vote on the tax-rate cuts later
this week. Both the entire package of tax cuts
President Bush has proposed and the House bill
would significantly widen after-tax income
disparities between the top one percent and the
rest of the population. The after-tax incomes of
the top one percent would rise, as a result of the
bill, by three times as large a percentage as the
after-tax incomes of the middle fifth of taxpayers
would increase, even though the after-tax income of
the top one percent has risen much faster over the
past decade than the after-tax income of those in
the middle or bottom of the income spectrum,
pushing income disparities to their widest level on
record.
Effects of the Bush Tax
Package and the House Bill
Changes in after-tax income
are an important measure of the effects of any tax
cut proposal. This measure indicates the degree to
which the income available to families increases as
a result of the tax reductions. It is widely
understood that in absolute dollars, the Bush tax
package and the House bill would provide far more
to those at the very top of the income spectrum
(whose tax cuts would average tens of thousands of
dollars) than to those in the middle of the income
spectrum (whose tax cuts would average
significantly less than a thousand dollars).(1)
What is less well understood is that the percentage
increase in after-tax income received by those at
the very top would be substantially larger than the
increase among those in the middle and bottom parts
of the income spectrum.
To estimate the effects of
the overall Bush tax package on after-tax income,
we relied on the distributional estimates of the
estate tax and the corporate income tax developed
by career staff at the Treasury Department in 1999.
We relied on distributional information on the
individual income tax cuts, and on income levels,
from Citizens for Tax Justice. The CTJ data come
from the Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy
tax model. Analyses based on this model of the
distributional effects of proposed income tax
reductions have consistently tracked analyses the
Treasury Departments has produced.
As Table 1 indicates, when
the Bush tax package is fully in effect:
* The after-tax
income of the one percent of families with the
highest incomes would increase by an average of
6.2 percent. ("Families" as used here refers to
both individuals and families.)
* By contrast, the
average after-tax income of the middle fifth of
families would rise by 1.9 percent, less than
one-third of the increase among the top one
percent. The after-tax income of the bottom
fifth of families would rise a scant 0.6
percent.
Table 1. Tax Cut as a
Percent of After-Tax Income
(when fully
phased-in)
Top 1% Next 4% Next 15%
Fourth 20% Middle 20% Second 20% Lowest
20%
Entire Bush Tax Package
6.2% 2.4% 2.4% 2.3% 1.9%
1.2% 0.6%
House Rate Cuts
3.8% 0.6% 1.1% 1.2% 1.2%
1.0% 0.5%
The tax-cut bill before the
House of Representatives is similarly skewed.(2)
The changes it would make in the marginal tax rates
would be of most benefit to high-income
taxpayers.
* Under the House
bill, the after-tax income of the middle fifth
of taxpayers would increase by 1.2
percent.
* Meanwhile, the
after-tax incomes of the top 1 percent would
increase by 3.8 percent, more than three times
the increase for the middle fifth.
* No income group
besides the top 1 percent would see its
after-tax income rise by more than 1.2 percent.
These figures reflect the
fact that the top one percent of families would
receive a share of the tax cuts that would be
larger than their share of the national after-tax
income. The top one percent of taxpayers would
receive 39 percent of the tax cuts in the overall
Bush plan. These taxpayers would receive 44 percent
of the tax cut benefits under the bill the House
will vote on this week. Both figures are more than
double this group's share of the national after-tax
income.
The Bush Administration
recently released an estimate by the Joint
Committee on Taxation indicating that in 2005, some
22 percent of the income tax cuts in its plan would
go to the top one percent. This estimate
substantially understates the share of the tax cut
going to the top one percent, because the estimate
excludes the effects of the corporate and estate
tax reductions in the plan &emdash; which
ultimately make up about one-quarter of the plan's
cost &emdash; and because it fails to assess the
proposal when the reduction in income tax rates for
those at the top are phased in fully. Even if one
used the understated 22 percent figure, the share
of the tax cut the top one percent would receive
would still exceed the share of after-tax income it
currently receives. No matter what set of figures
are used, after-tax income disparities are shown to
widen further.
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