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excerpts from "The Greater
Common Good"
by Arundhati Roy
originally published in Frontline, April,
1999
view the whole article
at: http://www.the-hindu.com/fline/fl1611/16110040.htm
"If you are to suffer, you
should suffer in the interest of the
country."
-- Jawaharlal Nehru,
speaking to villagers who were to be displaced by
the Hirakud Dam, 1948.
I stood on a hill and
laughed out loud.
I had crossed the Narmada
by boat from Jalsindhi and climbed the headland on
the opposite bank from where I could see, ranged
across the crowns of low, bald hills, the tribal
hamlets of Sikka, Surung, Neemgavan and Domkhedi. I
could see their airy, fragile, homes. I could see
their fields and the forests behind them. I could
see little children with littler goats scuttling
across the landscape like motorised peanuts. I knew
I was looking at a civilisation older than
Hinduism, slated - sanctioned (by the highest court
in the land) -- to be drowned this monsoon when the
waters of the Sardar Sarovar reservoir will rise to
submerge it.
Why did I laugh?
Because I suddenly
remembered the tender concern with which the
Supreme Court judges in Delhi (before vacating the
legal stay on further construction of the Sardar
Sarovar Dam) had enquired whether tribal children
in the resettlement colonies would have children's
parks to play in. The lawyers representing the
Government had hastened to assure them that indeed
they would, and, what's more, that there were
seesaws and slides and swings in every park. I
looked up at the endless sky and down at the river
rushing past and for a brief, brief moment the
absurdity of it all reversed my rage and I laughed.
I meant no disrespect.
* * *
My first tentative
questions revealed that few people know what is
really going on in the Narmada Valley. Those who
know, know a lot. Most know nothing at all. And
yet, almost everyone has a passionate opinion.
Nobody's neutral. I realised very quickly that I
was straying into mined territory.
In India over the last ten
years the fight against the Sardar Sarovar Dam has
come to represent far more than the fight for one
river. This has been its strength as well as its
weakness. Some years ago, it became a debate that
captured the popular imagination. That's what
raised the stakes and changed the complexion of the
battle. From being a fight over the fate of a river
valley it began to raise doubts about an entire
political system. What is at issue now is the very
nature of our democracy. Who owns this land? Who
owns its rivers? Its forests? Its fish? These are
huge questions. They are being taken hugely
seriously by the State. They are being answered in
one voice by every institution at its command --
the army, the police, the bureaucracy, the courts.
And not just answered, but answered unambiguously,
in bitter, brutal ways.
For the people of the
valley, the fact that the stakes were raised to
this degree has meant that their most effective
weapon -- specific facts about specific issues in
this specific valley - has been blunted by the
debate on the big issues. The basic premise of the
argument has been inflated until it has burst into
bits that have, over time, bobbed away.
Occasionally a disconnected piece of the puzzle
floats by - an emotionally charged account of the
Government's callous treatment of displaced people;
an outburst at how the Narmada Bachao Andolan
(NBA), 'a handful of activists', is holding the
nation to ransom; a legal correspondent reporting
on the progress of the NBA's writ petition in the
Supreme Court.
Though there has been a
fair amount of writing on the subject, most of it
is for a 'special interest' readership. News
reports tend to be about isolated aspects of the
project. Government documents are classified as
'Secret'. I think it's fair to say that public
perception of the issue is pretty crude and is
divided crudely, into two categories:
On the one hand, it is seen
as a war between modern, rational, progressive
forces of 'Development' versus a sort of
neo-Luddite impulse -- an irrational, emotional
'Anti-Development' resistance, fuelled by an
arcadian, pre-industrial dream.
On the other, as a Nehru vs
Gandhi contest. This lifts the whole sorry business
out of the bog of deceit, lies, false promises and
increasingly successful propaganda (which is what
it's really about) and confers on it a false
legitimacy. It makes out that both sides have the
Greater Good of the Nation in mind -- but merely
disagree about the means by which to achieve it.
Both interpretations put a
tired spin on the dispute. Both stir up emotions
that cloud the particular facts of this particular
story. Both are indications of how urgently we need
new heroes, new kinds of heroes, and how we've
overused our old ones (like we overbowl our
bowlers).
* * *
In the fifty years since
Independence, after Nehru's famous "Dams are the
Temples of Modern India" speech (one that he grew
to regret in his own lifetime), his footsoldiers
threw themselves into the business of building dams
with unnatural fervour. Dam-building grew to be
equated with Nation-building. Their enthusiasm
alone should have been reason enough to make one
suspicious. Not only did they build new dams and
new irrigation systems, they took control of small,
traditional systems that had been managed by
village communities for thousands of years, and
allowed them to atrophy. To compensate the loss,
the Government built more and more dams. Big ones,
little ones, tall ones, short ones. The result of
its exertions is that India now boasts of being the
world's third largest dam builder. According to the
Central Water Commission, we have three thousand
six hundred dams that qualify as Big Dams, three
thousand three hundred of them built after
Independence. One thousand more are under
construction. Yet one-fifth of our population --
200 million people - does not have safe drinking
water and two-thirds -- 600 million -- lack basic
sanitation.
Big Dams started well, but
have ended badly. There was a time when everybody
loved them, everybody had them -- the Communists,
Capitalists, Christians, Muslims, Hindus,
Buddhists. There was a time when Big Dams moved men
to poetry. Not any longer. All over the world there
is a movement growing against Big Dams. In the
First World they're being de-commissioned, blown
up. The fact that they do more harm than good is no
longer just conjecture. Big Dams are obsolete.
They're uncool. They're undemocratic. They're a
Government's way of accumulating authority
(deciding who will get how much water and who will
grow what where). They're a guaranteed way of
taking a farmer's wisdom away from him. They're a
brazen means of taking water, land and irrigation
away from the poor and gifting it to the rich.
Their reservoirs displace huge populations of
people, leaving them homeless and destitute.
Ecologically, they're in the doghouse. They lay the
earth to waste. They cause floods, water-logging,
salinity, they spread disease. There is mounting
evidence that links Big Dams to earthquakes.
Big Dams haven't really
lived up to their role as the monuments of Modern
Civilisation, emblems of Man's ascendancy over
Nature. Monuments are supposed to be timeless, but
dams have an all-too-finite lifetime. They last
only as long as it takes Nature to fill them with
silt. It's common knowledge now that Big Dams do
the opposite of what their Publicity People say
they do - the Local Pain for National Gain myth has
been blown wide open.
For all these reasons, the
dam-building industry in the First World is in
trouble and out of work. So it's exported to the
Third World in the name of Development Aid, along
with their other waste like old weapons,
superannuated aircraft carriers and banned
pesticides.
On the one hand, the Indian
Government, every Indian Government, rails
self-righteously against the First World, and on
the other, actually pays to receive their
gift-wrapped garbage. Aid is just another
praetorian business enterprise. Like Colonialism
was. It has destroyed most of Africa. Bangladesh is
reeling from its ministrations. We know all this,
in numbing detail. Yet in India our leaders welcome
it with slavish smiles (and make nuclear bombs to
shore up their flagging self-esteem).
Over the last fifty years
India has spent Rs.80,000 crores on the irrigation
sector alone. Yet there are more drought-prone
areas and more flood-prone areas today than there
were in 1947. Despite the disturbing evidence of
irrigation disasters, dam-induced floods and rapid
disenchantment with the Green Revolution (declining
yields, degraded land), the government has not
commissioned a post-project evaluation of a single
one of its 3,600 dams to gauge whether or not it
has achieved what it set out to achieve, whether or
not the (always phenomenal) costs were justified,
or even what the costs actually were.
The Government of India has
detailed figures for how many million tonnes of
foodgrain or edible oils the country produces and
how much more we produce now than we did in 1947.
It can tell you how much bauxite is mined in a year
or what the total surface area of the National
Highways adds up to. It's possible to access
minute-to-minute information about the stock
exchange or the value of the rupee in the world
market. We know how many cricket matches we've lost
on a Friday in Sharjah. It's not hard to find out
how many graduates India produced, or how many men
had vasectomies in any given year. But the
Government of India does not have a figure for the
number of people that have been displaced by dams
or sacrificed in other ways at the altars of
'National Progress'. Isn't this astounding? How can
you measure Progress if you don't know what it
costs and who paid for it? How can the 'market' put
a price on things -- food, clothes, electricity,
running water - when it doesn't take into account
the real cost of production?
According to a detailed
study of 54 Large Dams done by the Indian Institute
of Public Administration, the average number of
people displaced by a Large Dam is 44,182.
Admittedly, 54 dams out of 3,300 is not a big
enough sample. But since it's all we have, let's
try and do some rough arithmetic. A first draft. To
err on the side of caution, let's halve the number
of people. Or, let's err on the side of abundant
caution and take an average of just 10,000 people
per Large Dam. It's an improbably low figure, I
know, but ...never mind. Whip out your calculators.
3,300 x 10,000 =
33 million. That's what it
works out to. Thirty-three million people.
Displaced by big dams alone in the last fifty years
What about those that have been displaced by the
thousands of other Development Projects? At a
private lecture, N.C. Saxena, Secretary to the
Planning Commission, said he thought the number was
in the region of 50 million (of which 40 million
were displaced by dams). We daren't say so, because
it isn't official. It isn't official because we
daren't say so. You have to murmur it for fear of
being accused of hyperbole. You have to whisper it
to yourself, because it really does sound
unbelievable. It can't be, I've been telling
myself. I must have got the zeroes muddled. It
can't be true. I barely have the courage to say it
aloud. To run the risk of sounding like a 'sixties
hippie dropping acid ("It's the System, man!"), or
a paranoid schizophrenic with a persecution
complex. But it is the System, man. What else can
it be?
Fifty million people.
Go on, Government, quibble.
Bargain. Beat it down. Say something.
I feel like someone who's
just stumbled on a mass grave.
* * *
To slow a beast, you break
its limbs. To slow a nation, you break its people.
You rob them of volition. You demonstrate your
absolute command over their destiny. You make it
clear that ultimately it falls to you to decide who
lives, who dies, who prospers who doesn't. To
exhibit your capability you show off all that you
can do, and how easily you can do it. How easily
you could press a button and annihilate the earth.
How you can start a war, or sue for peace. How you
can snatch a river away from one and gift it to
another. How you can green a desert, or fell a
forest and plant one somewhere else. You use
caprice to fracture a people's faith in ancient
things - earth, forest, water, air. Once that's
done, what do they have left? Only you. They will
turn to you, because you're all they have. They
will love you even while they despise you. They
will trust you even though they know you well. They
will vote for you even as you squeeze the very
breathe from their bodies. They will drink what you
give them to drink. They will breathe what you give
them to breathe. They will live where you dump
their belongings. They have to. What else can they
do? There's no higher court of redress. You are
their mother and their father. You are the judge
and the jury. You are the World. You are God.
Power is fortified not just
by what it destroys, but also by what it creates.
Not just by what it takes, but also by what it
gives. And Powerlessness reaffirmed not just by the
helplessness of those who have lost, but also by
the gratitude of those who have (or think they
have) gained.
This cold, contemporary
cast of power is couched between the lines of
noble-sounding clauses in democratic-sounding
constitutions. It's wielded by the elected
representatives of an ostensibly free people. Yet
no monarch, no despot, no dictator in any other
century in the history of human civilisation has
had access to weapons like these.
Day by day, river by river,
forest by forest, mountain by mountain, missile by
missile, bomb by bomb -- almost without our knowing
it, we are being broken.
Big Dams are to a Nation's
'Development' what Nuclear Bombs are to its
Military Arsenal. They're both weapons of mass
destruction. They're both weapons Governments use
to control their own people. Both Twentieth Century
emblems that mark a point in time when human
intelligence has outstripped its own instinct for
survival. They're both malignant indications of
civilisation turning upon itself. They represent
the severing of the link, not just the link -- the
understanding -- between human beings and the
planet they live on. They scramble the intelligence
that connects eggs to hens, milk to cows, food to
forests, water to rivers, air to life and the earth
to human existence.
Can we unscramble it?
Maybe. Inch by inch. Bomb
by bomb. Dam by dam. Maybe by fighting specific
wars in specific ways. We could begin in the
Narmada Valley.
This July will bring the
last monsoon of the Twentieth Century. The ragged
army in the Narmada Valley has declared that it
will not move when the waters of the Sardar Sarovar
reservoir rise to claim its lands and homes.
Whether you love the dam or hate it, whether you
want it or you don't, it is in the fitness of
things that you understand the price that's being
paid for it. That you have the courage to watch
while the dues are cleared and the books are
squared.
Our dues. Our books. Not
theirs.
Be there.
Read the whole article at
http://www.the-hindu.com/fline/fl1611/16110040.htm
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