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I am hysterical. I'm
screaming from the bloody rooftops. . . I want to
wake the neighbours, that's my whole point. I want
everybody to open their eyes.
If justice isn't a
court's business, then what is?
Empathy would lead to
passion, to incandescent anger, to wild
indignation, to action. Concern, on the other hand,
leads to articles, books, Ph.Ds,
fellowships.
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Arundhati Roy's debut
novel, The God of Small Things, published in
1997, took the literary world by storm, winning
among other things the 1997 Booker Prize and
accolades from leading writers and critics. It
continues to be one of the best-loved and best-read
recent works of literary fiction round the world.
It has sold six million copies in 40
languages.
Since then, the novelist
has published (always, first in Indian
publications) three major political essays - The
End of Imagination, The Greater Common Good, and
Power Politics. Each has addressed a big and
critical issue, an issue that has mattered to
millions of people and to the present and future of
India.
. . . Interestingly, Roy
has turned over the substantial royalties from the
book publication of these essays to the movements
they espouse. The Booker Prize money was also given
to the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) in
1999.
There has been a profound
change of context since The Greater Common Good was
published a year and a half ago. . . in October
2000 the apex court - the movement's last
'institutional' resort - slammed the door in its
face.
N.
Ram: Arundhati
Roy, the Supreme Court judgment is unambiguous in
its support for the Sardar Sarovar dam. Is it all
over? Are you, as the saying goes, running on
empty?
Arundhati
Roy: There are troubled
times ahead, and yes, I think we - when I say 'we',
I don't mean to speak on behalf of the NBA, I just
generally mean people who share their point of view
- yes, I think we are up against it. We do have our
backs to the wall... but then, as another saying
goes, 'It ain't over till the fat lady sings'
[smiles]. Remember, there are a total of 30
Big Dams planned in the Narmada Valley. Upstream
from the Sardar Sarovar, the people fighting the
Maheshwar dam are winning victory after victory.
Protests in the Nimad region have forced several
foreign investors - Bayernwerk, Pacgen, Siemens -
to pull out. Recently, they managed to make Ogden
Energy Group, an American company, withdraw from
the project. There's a full-blown civil
disobedience movement on there.
But yes, the Supreme Court
judgment on the Sardar Sarovar is a tremendous blow
- the aftershocks will be felt not just in the
Narmada Valley, but all over the country. Wise men
- L.C. Jain, Ramaswamy Iyer - have done brilliant
analyses of the judgment. The worrying thing is not
just that the Court has allowed construction of the
dam to proceed, but the manner in which it
disregarded the evidence placed before it. It
ignored the fact that conditional environmental
clearance for the project was given before a single
comprehensive study of the project was done. It
ignored the government of Madhya Pradesh's
affidavit that it has no land to resettle the
oustees, that in all these years M.P. has not
produced a single hectare of agricultural land for
its oustees. It ignored the fact that not one
village has been resettled according to the
directives of the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal
Award, the fact that 13 years after the project was
given conditional clearance, not a single condition
has been fulfilled, that there isn't even a
rehabilitation Master Plan - let alone proper
rehabilitation. Most importantly, most urgently, it
allowed construction to proceed to 90 metres
despite the fact that the Court was fully aware
that families displaced at the current height of
the dam have not yet been rehabilitated - some of
them haven't even had their land acquired yet! It
has, in effect, ordered the violation of the
Tribunal Award, it has indirectly endorsed the
violation of human rights to life and livelihood.
There will be mayhem in the Narmada Valley this
monsoon if it rains - and of course, mayhem if it
doesn't, because then there'll be drought. Either
way the people are trapped - between the Rain Gods
and the Supreme Court Gods.
For the Supreme Court of
India to sanction what amounts to submergence
without rehabilitation is an extraordinary thing.
Think of the implications - today, the India
Country study done for the World Commission on Dams
[WCD] says that Big Dams could have
displaced up to 56 million people in this country
in the last 50 years!
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PARAS
SHAH
Following the
October 2000 Supreme Court judgment,
construction resumes at the dam site in
Gujarat.
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But the most worrying thing
in the Sardar Sarovar judgment is the part where it
says that once government begins work on a project,
after it has incurred costs, the Court ought to
have no further role to play. This, after the very
same Court found enough cause in 1994 to hold up
construction work for six whole years... With this
single statement, the Supreme Court of India is
abdicating its supreme responsibility. If the Court
has no role to play in arbitrating between the
state and its citizens in the matter of violations
of human rights, then what is it here for? If
justice isn't a court's business, then what
is?
Why do you think things
have come to this pass? This figure you have spoken
of several times - between 33 million and 56
million people displaced by big dams in the last 50
years - it is hard to imagine something of this
magnitude happening in another country without it
being somehow taken into serious
account...
Without it being taken into
account, without it giving pause for thought,
without it affecting the nature of our country's
decision-making process. The government doesn't
even have a record of displaced people, they don't
even count as statistics, it's chilling.
Terrifying. After everything that has been written,
said and done, the Indian government continues to
turn a deaf ear to the protests. 695 big dams - 40
per cent of all the big dams being built in the
world - are being built in India as we speak . Yet
India is the only country in the world that refused
to allow the World Commission on Dams to hold a
public hearing here. The Gujarat Government banned
its entry into Gujarat and threatened its
representatives with arrest! . . . There was a tiny
ripple of interest in the news for a couple of
days. Even that's died down. We're back to business
as usual. As they say in the army - 'Bash On
Regardless'. Literally!
You must have an
explanation, a personal theory perhaps, of why the
government is so implacable, so unwilling to
listen?
Part of the explanation -
the relatively innocent part, I'd say - has to do
with the fact that belief in Big Dams has become a
reflex article of faith. Some people - particularly
older planners and engineers - have internalised
the Nehruvian thing about Big Dams being the
Temples of Modern India. Dams have become India's
secular gods - faith in them is impervious to
argument. Another important part of the explanation
has to do with the simple matter of corruption. Big
Dams are gold mines for politicians , bureaucrats,
the construction industry... But the really sad,
ugly part has less to do with government than with
the way our society is structured. More than 60 per
cent of the millions of people displaced by dams
are Dalit and Adivasi [the untouchables].
But Adivasis account for only 8 per cent and Dalits
about 15 per cent of our population. So you see
what's happening here - a vast majority of
displaced people don't even weigh in as real
people.
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ANURAG
SINGH
Tin shacks for
resettlement.
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And another thing - what
percentage of the people who plan these mammoth
projects are Dalit, Adivasi or even rural? Zero.
There is no egalitarian social contact whatsoever
between the two worlds. Deep at the heart of the
horror of what's going on, lies the caste system:
this layered, horizontally divided society with no
vertical bolts, no glue - no intermarriage, no
social mingling, no human - humane - interaction
that holds the layers together. So when the bottom
half of society simply shears off and falls away,
it happens silently. It doesn't create the torsion,
the upheaval, the blowout, the sheer structural
damage that it might, had there been the equivalent
of vertical bolts. This works perfectly for the
supporters of these projects.
But even those of us who do
understand and sympathise with the issue, even if
we feel concern, scholarly concern, writerly
concern, journalistic concern - the press has done
a reasonably persistent job of keeping it in the
news - still, for the most part , there's no real
empathy with those who pay the price. Empathy would
lead to passion, to incandescent anger, to wild
indignation, to action. Concern, on the other hand,
leads to articles, books, Ph.Ds, fellowships. Of
course, it is dispassionate enquiry that has
created the pile-up of incriminating evidence
against Big Dams. But now that the evidence is
available and is in the public domain, it's time to
do something about it.
Instead, what's happening
now is that the relationship between concern and
empathy is becoming oppositional, confrontational.
When concern turns on empathy and says 'this town
isn't big enough for the two of us,' then we're in
trouble, big trouble. It means something ugly is
afoot. It means concern has become a professional
enterprise, a profitable business that's protecting
its interests like any other. People have set up
shop, they don't want the furniture disturbed.
That's when this politics becomes murky, dangerous
and manipulative. This is exactly what's happening
now - any display of feeling, of sentiment, is
being frowned upon by some worthy keepers of the
flame. Every emotion must be stifled, must appear
at the high table dressed for dinner. Nobody's
allowed to violate the dress code or, god forbid,
appear naked. The guests must not be embarrassed.
The feast must go on...
I was talking to the press
about the fact that the Supreme Court judgment had
made things worse for the NBA than they were before
it went to court. The Court ordered that the final
arbiter of any dispute would be the Prime Minister.
This is so clearly in contravention of the
directives laid down by the Narmada Water Disputes
Tribunal Award. I said that a country in which it
is left to the Prime Minister to clear a large dam
project without any scientific studies being done;
in which it is left to the Prime Minister to decide
the final height of a dam regardless of how much
water there is in the river; in which it is left to
the Prime Minister to decide whether or not there
is land available for resettlement - sounds very
much like a Banana Republic to me. What's the point
of committees and Ministries and authorities if
it's all up to Big Daddy in the end?
What next? Where does
the struggle go from here?
I don't know, really. It
has to move into a different gear. All our eyes are
on the NBA, waiting for its next move. It will take
some time to evolve a strategy. But they are
extraordinary people - brilliant. I have never met
a group of people with their range of skills -
their mobilisation abilities, their intellectual
rigour, their political acumen.
. . . You see, while the
rest of us sit around arguing about how much we
ought to respect the Supreme Court judgment, the
people in the valley have no option. They can
hardly be expected to respectfully accept their own
dispossession . . .
It's something the
government must think very seriously about. A
15-year-old non-violent peoples' movement is an
extraordinary, magnificent thing. If it is
dismissed in this contemptuous fashion, if violence
is the only thing that forces the government t o
the negotiating table, then anarchy lurks around
the corner.
. . .
"Big Dams are to a nation's
'development' what nuclear bombs are to its
military arsenal. They are both weapons of mass
destruction, both weapons governments use to
control their own people, both twentieth century
emblems that mark a point in time when human
intelligence has outstripped its own instinct for
survival..."
. . .
The globalisation debate
has a very interesting spin on it - all its
admirers, from Bill Clinton, Kofi Annan, A.B.
Vajpayee to the cheering brokers in the stalls, all
of them say the same lofty things: if we have the
right institutions of governance in place -
effective courts, good laws, honest politicians,
participative democracy, a transparent
administration that respects human rights and gives
people a say in decisions that affect their lives -
then the globalisation project will work for the
poor as well.
My point is that if all
this was in place, then almost anything would
succeed: socialism, communism, you name it.
Everything works in Paradise, even a poor old
Banana Republic! But in an imperfect world, is it
globalisation that's going to bring us all this
bounty? Is that what's happening here now that
India is on the fast track to the free
market?
. . .
Coming back to the issue
of celebrity-hood - what's your relationship with
it? How does it affect your writing? How do you
deal with it?
Celebrity-hood - I hate
that word. How do I deal with it? When Rock
Hudson's career was on the skids, if he heard of a
friend or colleague who was doing well, he'd say
"Damn him, I hope he dies." That's a bit how I feel
about my celebrity-hood. When I see a picture of
myself in the papers, I feel hostile towards my
public self and say "Damn her, I hope she
dies"...[smiles].
But actually, it's a very,
very difficult thing for a person to come to terms
with. For a while I thought it would drive me clean
crazy. But I think I'm beginning to get the hang of
it now. I worked it out from first principles - I'm
a writer first and a celebrity next. I'm a writer
who happens to have become, for the moment, a
celebrity. . .
But I also don't not do the
things I want to do. I live, I love, I bum around,
but above all, I write. And I support what I write.
The celebrity part just trails along behind me
making a heck of a noise - like a tin can attached
to a cat's tail. I can't take it off - but it'll
fall off on its own sooner or later. For now, I try
to ignore it. . .
What do you find most
difficult about being who you are and doing what
you do?
Well, every writer - good,
bad, successful or not - who's sitting at a desk
looking at a blank piece of paper, is lonely. It's
probably the loneliest work in the world. But once
the work is done, it's different. I'm not lonely at
all - I'm the opposite of lonely. How can I, of all
people, complain? I like to think that if by chance
I were to become completely destitute, I could
spend the rest of my life walking into people's
homes and saying, "I wrote The God of Small
Things, will you give me lunch?" It's a
wonderful feeling. When I go to the Narmada Valley,
I see my essay being read in Hindi, in Gujarati, in
Marathi - even translated orally into Bhilali. I
see parts of it being performed as a play. What
more could a writer ask for? How much less lonely
can I be?
It's true that I write
about contentious things. . . Each time I step out
I hear the snicker-snack of knives being sharpened,
I catch the glint of scimitars in the
sun.
[The Narmada Valley
where the dams are being built is in the state of
Gujarat, not far from the epicenter of the
catastrophic January earthquake. &endash;
Editor]
Excerpted and reprinted
with the written consent of Frontline India's
National Magazine on indiaserver.com.
Volume 18 - Issue 01, Jan.
06 - 19, 2001 at <http://www.the
hindu.com/fline/fl1801/index.htm>
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